Раддай Райхлин - Гражданская война, террор и бандитизм (Систематизация социологии и социальная динамика)

reincarnations. Among the Hindus the existence of such castes as

the kshatriya, dedicated to the military life and to ruling by

coercion, prevented the spread of pacifism as a political

movement. Early Buddhist monarchs such as Asoka in India and the

kings of Ceylon sought to rule more peacefully, but no Buddhist

realm in history has forsworn violence altogether.

Pacifist elements can be found in the nonactionist doctrines of

Greek Stoicism in the Western world. A shadowy anticipation of

modern pacifism appears in the quasimillennial doctrine of a

future golden age of universal peace that emerged with the MYSTERY

CULTS of Hellenistic and Roman times. The concept was encouraged

by the dreams of a universal kingdom or empire that arose among

the Achaemenid rulers of Persia in the 6th century BC; these

dreams were inherited by Alexander the Great and his Hellenistic

successors and by the creators of the concept of the Pax Romana,

or peace of Rome. This latter idea of an imperial peace, which

reemerged in medieval times after the creation of the Holy Roman

Empire, is a peace imposed from above through benign coercion and

is therefore far from pacifistic.

A truer pacifism was to be found among the early Christians, who

were inspired by such Gospel exhortations as "Love thine enemies"

and "Blessed are the peacemakers; for they shall be called the

children of God," and perhaps also by certain pagan teachings of

the time and by the doctrines of the Jewish ESSENES, who preached

withdrawal from the realm of war and politics. Even in the first

centuries, however, Christians were divided in their attitudes

toward war and violence; the question whether a Christian could

remain a soldier was long debated. Some Fathers of the Church,

such as TERTULLIAN, took an essentially pacifist stand, and many

Christians deserted the imperial army or suffered martyrdom for

their refusal to take part in military action. For the church as a

whole to be pacifist became politically impossible after the

Emperor Constantine's conversion in the early 4th century and the

adoption of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman

Empire. In the 5th century, when Catholicism in North Africa was

threatened by the invading Vandals, who supported the rival sect

of Arian Christians, Saint AUGUSTINE devised the doctrine of the

Just War, a doctrine that has been sustained by institutional

Christianity ever since.

The pacifist strain did not entirely vanish from the Christian

tradition in the Middle Ages. It emerged in such medieval sects as

the ALBIGENSES and the BOGOMILS, some of whom renounced the use of

violence. After the Reformation, pacifism was adopted by a number

of western European sects, including the MENNONITES, the Quakers

or Society of FRIENDS, and some of the ANABAPTISTS. In

17th-century Russia the Great Schism in the Orthodox church

encouraged the emergence of radical sects such as the DOUKHOBORS

and the Molokans, who opposed participation in war and employed

passive resistance against the authorities seeking to coerce them.

Among Christian pacifists, a distinction must be made between

those who resist participation in war merely to save their

consciences, as is the case with sects that preach withdrawal from

the world in anticipation of the Second Coming of Christ, and

those who see their pacifism as part of an attempt to transform

the world here and now, as do the Quakers. In the late 17th

century the Quakers fought a painful campaign against the English

law forbidding dissenters to meet publicly; nearly 400 Quakers

died in the pestilential prisons of the time. The Quakers provide

one of the early examples of a successful nonviolent movement.

NONVIOLENT POLITICAL MOVEMENTS

Pacifism emerged from its religious context and became a political

philosophy during the 19th century. One wing of American

abolitionists, led by William Lloyd GARRISON, preached the use of

nonviolent methods in the fight against slavery. Many of the

suffragettes who struggled for women's rights in Britain and North

America adopted nonviolent resistance. Count Leo TOLSTOI, after

his conversion to a radical kind of Christianity, advocated a

pacifist rejection of war and advocated methods of CIVIL

DISOBEDIENCE as an alternative to violent revolution in books such

as The Kingdom of God Is Within You. A Tolstoian movement

developed in tsarist Russia, surviving for some time after the

Revolution of 1917.

Nineteenth-century socialists were often antimilitarist in the

sense that they opposed capitalist or imperialist wars. They took

part in the various peace organizations that held international

congresses during the century. Many socialists advocated an

international general strike should a war break out, but when

World War I began in 1914 the only resistance came from dedicated

pacifists and a few revolutionary socialists. The labor movements

on both sides abandoned their internationalism and supported their

own governments.

The horrors of World War I led to a great upsurge of pacifist

sentiment in the West. International pacifist organizations such

as the Fellowship of Reconciliation flourished. In Britain the

students at Oxford University passed a resolution pledging not to

fight "for king and country," and the Peace Pledge Union founded

in 1935 had gained a membership of 133,000 by 1937, including such

distinguished names as Aldous HUXLEY, Benjamin BRITTEN, and

Siegfried SASSOON. Most of this resistance melted when war

actually came in 1939. Pacifism swelled again in the 1960s: in

Britain mass demonstrations and acts of civil disobedience were

organized by the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, and in the

United States the Vietnam War brought widespread resistance. The

pacifism of the 1960s attracted many nonpacifists who turned to

nonviolent forms of action because they were expedient.

Absolute pacifists have always been a small minority; perhaps few

people are capable of the austere control of passions that,

according to Gandhi, is necessary for the true pacifist. Although

pacifist resistance has yet to succeed in stopping a war,

movements using nonviolent methods in peacetime have been able to

gain political and social ends where other movements have failed.

With the exception of the one in Romania, the popular campaigns

that succeeded in overturning the Communist regimes of Eastern

Europe in 1989 were for the most part remarkably nonviolent.

George Woodcock

Цитата через чур длинная, но я дал е° полное изложение, чтобы съэкономить себе работу. Цель этого раздела показать, что вс° разнообразие борцов за ?мир?, ?права?, ?равенство?, ?против? и тому подобное можно свести к одному стереотипу, вс° к тому же ?интернационалисту?. Данный раздел следовало бы пустить сразу за описанием ?интернационалиста?, поскольку нет никакой разницы между ?интернационалистом? и ?пацифистом?. Борьба ?интернационалистов? вроде Льва Троцкого против ?империалистических? войн свидетельствует об этом. Широкую поддержку получали ?пацифисты? от советской власти , которая использовала их в качестве подрывного элемента в странах Запада. ?Пацифисты?, как и ?интернационалисты? борются против своей страны и против своего нарда. Особенность ?пацифистов? только в лозунгах. Я указывал, что шантаж это уже террор. Разного рода демонстрации даже без мордобития организованные ?пацифистами? или иного рода борцами являются разновидностью шантажа. Напомню, что ?большевики? не покушались на жизнь царя и его министров, но от этого они не стали ничуть не лучше своих конкурентов террористов эсеров.

Глава 6 ЭКОЛОГИЯ ТЕРРОРА

Содержание главы:

СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДИНАМИКА В.О.КЛЮЧЕВСКОГО ЛЕВ ГУМИЛЕВ И ЕГО СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДИНАМИКА. РЕЛИГИЯ И ГОЛЕМ СЛУШАЙ ИЗРАИЛЬ РАСОВАЯ СЕГРЕГАЦИЯ НАЦИОНАЛЬНАЯ СЕГРЕГАЦИЯ АНТИСЕМИТИЗМ

АМПЛИТУДНЫЕ И ФАЗОВЫЕ ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКИ ОБЩЕСТВА СТАБИЛЬНОСТЬ ОБЩЕСТВА ФАЗОВЫЙ СДВИГ

Я уже отмечал роль Питирима Сорокина в создании систематики социологии и социальной динамики. Здесь считаю своим долгом отметить роль других русских ученых, историков Василия Осиповича Ключевского и Льва Николаевича Гумилева.

СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ ДИНАМИКА В.О.КЛЮЧЕВСКОГО

Прежде чем писать о замечательном вкладе русского историка Василия Осиповича Ключевского в развитие социальной динамики я хочу привести его краткую биографию заимствованную мной из Энциклопедии Британника.

Klyuchevsky, Vasily Osipovich,

Klyuchevsky also spelled KLIUCHEVSKY (b. Jan. 16 [Jan. 28, New

Style], 1841, Voznesenskoye, Penza province, Russia d. May 12 [May

25], 1911, Moscow), Russian historian whose sociological approach

to the study of Russia's past and lively writing and lecturing

style made him one of the foremost scholars of his time.

The son of a poor village priest, Klyuchevsky attended a seminary

school before transferring to the University of Moscow (1861). He

wrote a series of theses, including his doctoral dissertation on

the boyar duma (council of the upper nobility) of Muscovite

Russia, that won him immediate professional recognition. He

received appointments at the Alexandrian Military School, the

University for Women at Moscow, and the Moscow Theological

Academy, and in 1879 he became professor of history at the

University of Moscow, where he taught until 1910.

It was the publication of his lectures in Kurs russkoy istorii

("Course in Russian History"; Eng. trans. A History of Russia)

that brought Klyuchevsky worldwide renown. Originally published in

four volumes (1904-10), with a fifth volume appearing posthumously

in 1921, this magnum opus traced Russian history in a logical,

systematic, and highly readable form. Klyuchevsky wrote from a

19th-century liberal perspective and gave a broad but vivid

socioeconomic analysis of the processes of Russian history. Though

he emphasized such impersonal forces as the succession of social

classes and the spread of colonization, he also painted some of

the most memorable images of leading figures (such as Peter the

Great) in all of Russian historiography.

Уже в определении В.О.Ключевского истории как науки заложена динамика. Он утверждал, что история - это "движение во времени" и "познание прцесса". Другая особенность В.О.Ключевского в том, что он соединял историю с социологией. Вот его утверждение, которое он проводил в жизнь:

"Целый ряд соображений побуждает историка при изучении местной

истории быть по преимуществу социологом".

Вот его другое утверждение, которое многие социологи могут взять эпиграфом к своей работе:

Из науки о том, как строилось человеческое общежитие, может со

временем - и это будет торжеством исторической науки

выработаться и общая социологическая часть ее - наука об общих

законах строения человеческих обществ. (Выделено В.О.Ключевским.

Р.Р.)

Прошлый век в отличие от нынешнего был характерен поиском законов социологии. Даже Карл Маркс искал. В.О.Ключевский не искал эти законы, но его социологический подход в исследованиях может служить образцом как для историков, так и для социологов. Возьмем для примера его трактовку подоплеки восстаний в XVI веке украинских казаков против Речи Посполитой (Польши). Первоначально это был заурядный грабеж. Однако обстоятельства (Брестская уния 1556 года) навязали "этой продажной сабле баз Бога и отечества" "религиозно-национальное знамя, судили высокую роль стать оплотом западно-русского православия".

"И казаку и холопу легко было растолковать, что церковная уния это

есть союз ляшского короля, пана, ксендза и их общего агента жида

против русского Бога, которого обязан защищать каждый русский.