Сага об Ингваре Путешественнике. Текст, перевод, комментарий - Галина Васильевна Глазырина

Памятник известен с XVII в. Высота– 1,68 м, ширина– 1 м. Текст высечен на туловище змея, располагающегося по контуру камня, голова и хвост змея пересекаются внизу. Крест отсутствует. Орнаментальные особенности близки памятникам, созданным мастером Гуннаром (Brate 1925. S. 15; Axelson. 1993. S. 47), работавшим в первой половине XI в. (СРН. 2001. С. 26), однако для самого Гуннара характерно использование полноветвистых рун и христианских символов (крест).

Надпись выполнена коротковетвистыми рунами. Памятник сильно поврежден, но вторая половина текста читается отчетливо.

Камень заказан Вифастом в память о брате Гудмунде, который погиб в Серкланде. Текст не содержит никаких указаний на связь Гудмунда с Ингваром, однако поскольку все другие упоминания Серкланда (кроме СРН 2001. № Б-III.4.7) связаны с походом Ингвара, то предполагается, что и данный памятник установлен в честь участника этого похода. Смерть Гудмунда описывается глаголом ѵеrðа «становиться» и прилагательным dauðr «мертвый» (см. также № 8, 11, 17, 21), не имеющими конкретизирующих коннотаций. Можно предполагать, что Гудмунд умер ненасильственной смертью.

Хотя крест и отсутствует, инвокационная формула показывает, что братья (или по крайней мере один из них) были христианами.

Summary

Yngvars saga viðfǫrla, often classified as belonging to the Wikingersagas subcategory (“Viking sagas”) of the fornaldarsǫgur (“sagas of antiquity”, also referred to as “mythical-heroic sagas” and “legendary sagas”), is one of the two sagas set entirely in Rus’ and Eastern (South-Eastern) Europe (the other is Eymundar þáttr Hringssonar). Russian translation of Yngvars saga viðfǫrla was first published by Galina Glazyrina (1952–2016) in 2002 in the series The earlies sources for the history of Eastern Europe. The present book is its second edition.

Like other volumes of this serial edition, the book includes the original text (a reprint of Emil Olson’s edition of 1912, pp. 206–255), its Russian translation (pp. 256–277), an ample historical, philological and geographical commentary (pp. 278–392), appendix (inscriptions on Swedish runic stones commemorating the participants of Yngvarr’s campaign – pp. 395–426, prepared by Elena Melnikova), bibliography (pp. 431–447), and indexes (pp. 448–474). Above all, a voluminous introduction (pp. 11–204) contains an extensive study of the saga and the information about Eastern Europe preserved in it. Yngvars saga viðfǫrla, like the legendary sagas in general, had attracted until recently little attention of saga scholars and therefore required a special study of its manuscript tradition, origin, content, transformation of oral tradition in it, correlation with the information contained in runic inscriptions, and historical realities reflected in it. All these and many other questions are discussed in the introduction.

The first section of the introduction is devoted to the manuscript tradition and previous editions of the saga (pp. 11–34). Description of two parchment manuscripts of the mid‑15th century and eleven paper copies of the 17th to19th centuries made it possible to clarify the stemma of the manuscripts that fall into two groups, each of which goes back to one of the parchment manuscripts.

The next section of the introduction contains the discussion of the saga origin and the emergence of the nickname viðfǫrli (“Traveller”) in its title (pp. 35–54). A comparison of the titles of the saga in different manuscripts has shown that Yngvarr started to be called viðfǫrli only in the 17th century, apparently due to a rethinking of the plot of the saga. Until that time, it was designated simply as Yngvars saga.

The problem of authorship of Yngvars saga viðfǫrla is a debatable issue. It is stated in the final words of the saga that it was written “on the basis of those books that the learned monk Oddr had ordered to be written down according to the stories of wise men”. However, Oddr’s authorship was rejected by Emil Olson. Some seventy years later, Dietrich Hofmann, basing on the analysis of the language of the saga, thoroughly substantiated the attribution of the saga to Oddr and suggested that it was originally written in Latin (Emil Olson had also pointed at the Latin endings of some words, especially geographical names). Hofmann’s conclusions were not accepted by all scholars, and his arguments are again analyzed in the introduction to this book. Glazyrina thought his idea of the existence of a Latin version of the saga, *Vita Yngvari, probably written by Oddr at the end of the twelfth century, convincing. However, the degree and time of its revision in the process of translating it into Icelandic (dated from the late twelfth to the fourteenth century) have practically not been considered by scholars. The composition of this saga, consisting of a prologue, two parts based on different sources, and an epilogue, has not been studied either.

A detailed analysis of the Prologue (pp. 56–83) leads to the conclusion that its basis was the Swedish version of Eymundar þáttr that has not come down to us, but its existence was suggested by Robert Cook. The revision of this version allowed the author of Yngvars saga to compile the genealogy of Yngvarr as a member of the ruling dynasty of Eirik the Victorious in Svealand. A detailed study of the composition of the main part of the saga (pp. 84–146), supplemented by the study of the epilogue, has shown that all four sections of the saga were written by one author. This is evidenced, first of all, by the unity of one leading theme permeating the entire saga. This theme is the history of the clan, the loss and restoration of its social status: from Aki, Eymundr’s father, whose tragic death deprived the family of possessions, to Eymundr and Yngvarr in their conflict over their ancestral lands with Olaf of Sweden. The happy ending of the plot is the acquisition of a state by Sveinn, the son of Yngvarr, albeit far from his country. This theme is revealed in several storylines, one of which is marriage: Yngvarr, who promised Queen Silkisif to return and marry her, dies but Sveinn becomes husband of the queen and the king of her country. The second prevaling line is the triumph of the right faith. Yngvarr, who revealed the fundamentals of Christianity to the queen and made her ready for its adoption, dies, but Silkisif asks Yngvarr’s companions to send priests who could baptize her and all her people. The bishop brought by Sveinn for this purpose